Metternich system:

Content:-

1. Maternik's interests
2. Expansion of the Austrian Empire
3. The perpetuation of the old order in European politics

He was the chief regulator of European politics between 1815 and 1848. Clement Von Metternich (Clement Von Metternich 1773-1859 A.D.) served as the Foreign Minister and Prime Minister (Chancellor) of Austria until AD. (1809-1848. Metternich's influence on European politics, including the Austrian Empire, the German Confederation, the Italian peninsula, was singular and final. The princes and administrators of Russia, Prussia, and even England were dear to Metternich's personality.

According to For this reason, this period is called the 'Age of Metternich' in Europe. And his political system is commonly known as Metternich System.

As a person, Metternith was of elegant taste, graceful and attractive. His knowledge about folk characters was deep. He could easily attract Anna's attention due to his attractive personality, eloquence and polite manners. He was familiar with the philosophical theories of Voltaire, the scientific theories of Newton, the literature of Shakespeare and the musical genius of Beethoven. He could easily grasp complex political issues. He therefore obtained the post of President of the Congress of Vienna and in a short time began to establish his authority. Metternich roamed freely in the diplomatic maelstrom of Vienna just as fish roam freely in swirling water. In Ketelbeer's words: "He could swim lie a fish in the sparkling whrill pool of Vienna."

Metternich had immense self-confidence about his own thinking. Even at the moment of drowning, he would stick to his decision. Even as he took refuge in England after the revolution of 1848, he declared that his way was the right way. His arrogance was boundless as was his self-confidence. After the fall of Napoleon, he prided himself on being the "conqueror of the conqueror". He boastfully used to say, "My position has the peculiarity that all eyes, all expectations are directed to precisely that point where I happen." to be. "). He used to say, "What I think I do, why can't millions of people do it?" He answered this himself, according to him, "so important is the reason that he never strayed from the parth of eternal law". His consciousness never entertained errors. He was ready to use any means to reach his goal. He considered necessity more important than morality. And these 'paths' were to maintain the status quo and the integrity of 'Austria' respectively.

Metternich was considered by both supporters and critics to be the chief spokesman for any opposition to revolution in the first half of the 19th century.Meternitz was one of the theorists of continental conservatism (who believed that the preservation of an absolute monarchy was essential) and believed that "a (dangerous minority) In his Political Testament (1820) he wrote that "the Presumpions" (the Presumpions) were motivated by the 'pure and eternal' law imposed on human society. , In the present century, the scope of human knowledge has greatly increased, but the scope of human love has not increased, resulting in the terrible social catastrophe of the French Revolution.

Although influenced by several theorists of the 18th century Enlightenment, Metternich was in no way an advocate of "Progress."). For him, the cosmic principle of society, politics or international relations was 'Equilibrium'. He believed that only status quo and order could maintain that balance. Metternich was Chancellor of Austria. It is naturally a responsibility to protect the interests of one's own state

He had Metternich was called the 'symbol of conservatism' for this attempt to preserve the more conventional system, which was characterized by the structure of the Austrian Empire, where the preservation of the 'status quo' was likely to serve imperial interests. But it is not correct to call Metternich a conservative in the narrow sense. Actually he was a statesman. Most of the countries and people of Europe wanted to get rid of the instability that the French Revolution and the rise of the Napoleonic Empire had caused in European politics. In 1820, he wrote to Czar Alexander of Russia, “The vocal demands of the middle classes have frightened and terrified the administration. This class stood between the people and the monarchy and sought to overthrow the rule of the king. He considered it a primary duty to free Europe from this instability. He opposed revolution-born liberalism, democracy and nationalism to save the continent from revolutionary unrest.

The nature of the Metternich system was apparently conservative domestically and reactionary internationally. But the statesman Metternich became a rider of conservatism under the pressure of the situation. In this context, the formation of the Austrian empire and the perspective of the Hapsburg dynasty are very important. The Austrian Empire was a conglomerate of isolated territories. Long before the French Revolution, the possibility of an Ottoman Turk invasion of Central Europe through South Eastern Europe had arisen. The Greater Austrian Empire was then formed to protect Central Europe from the invading Ottoman Turks. In reality there was no unifying element within this empire. The geographical locations of the Austrian Empire were (1) the original Austrian territories (Austria, Syria, Carindia, Carniola and the Tyrol): (2) the Bohemian territories (Bohemia, Moravia and Upper Silesia); (3) Hungary (including Galicia, Transylvania, Croatia) and (4) Italy's Lombardy and Venetia occupied in 1815 AD. The inhabitants included numerous ethnic groups, such as—Germans, Magyars, Italians, Rumanians, Slavs, etc. They were again divided into several tribal groups. For example - Czech, Slovak, Pole, Romanian, Serb, Kot, Slovene etc. German was recognized as the state language. But the number of people speaking other languages ​​was not small. In terms of religion, Catholics were the majority. As a result Protestants always suffered from religious insecurity. The union of a great empire meant only compulsory obedience to the monarchy. For this reason, Grant and Temperly (Grant and Temperly) said, "Austria was not a nation, but a monarchical machine.") Metternich's goal as chancellor was to preserve this declining empire somehow. But the 'system' he adopted to achieve that goal was the outlook of the Hapsburg dynasty and the social character of Austria. Medieval conservatism Patrons were the emperors of Austria. Opposing the spread of education, the emperor first said, "I have no need of learned man. I want faithful subjects. ") / Metternich proposed some social reforms.

The Emperor told him, "Keep yourself to what is old, for that is good. ". Also, a characteristic of Austria. David Thomson says, in Austria, the landed aristocracy was all of them limited in number. .However, many peasants of the country were under their control. There was no middle class in the right Austrian Empire. The number of merchants and artisans was negligible. The administration of the country was controlled by the local nobles.

In this environment, Metternich tried to maintain structure in the crumbling empire with the pole of conservatism. His aim was to protect the "status quo" from any change. He was determined to maintain the "status quo" without creating intransigence against all reforms. As Chancellor of Austria, as President of the Diet, Germany and as leader of the Powers-Co-operatives. He was eager to establish the status quo anarchy throughout Europe. In the case of Austria, Maternith's practice was to take advantage of the disunity of the Empire. According to the principle of 'Divide and Rule', he deployed German troops in Bohemia and Hungarian troops in Lomba. He nurtured and tried to promote nationalism. He had no faith in liberal governance and parliamentary system. He used to say, "Democrats could only change daylight into darkest night." He considered the rise of the middle class as "moral gangrene". For this reason, he took several repressive measures to prevent the rise of middle class influence within the empire. Government control and supervision over universities increased. Guptas are employed all over the country, even in educational institutions. Courses in History and Political Science are offered. In order to prevent European progressive ideologies from entering Austria, the appointment of foreign professors was prohibited. Study abroad for Austrian students is also strictly regulated. By taking away the freedom of the press, Metternich undermined the freedom of thought. He was even determined to maintain the bogus serfdom of the medieval system.

Another area of ​​application of Metternich's system was Germany. The 19th century was an era of romanticism in Germany. Schlegel, Nevolish, Unt, Fickte etc. brought to public mind the great aspects of national culture and tradition through their writings. The ideology of universalism was extended to family nationality. Universities were the centers of the German liberal movement, and anti-authoritarian sentiment was rapidly spreading among German students. Student organizations such as 'Burchenschaften' were formed. Based on the progressive ideals promoted by the teaching students and intellectuals of German universities, student organizations began to organize movements against reactionism. This liberal spirit of intellectuals and student society alarmed Metternich. He believed that failure to stop this German advance would stir up the Austrian public. During this time an incident at the University of Jena prompted Metternich to apply his strict control policies to Germany as well. On the fourth anniversary of the Battle of Leipzig and the tercentenary of the Protestant movement, the students of the University of Jena organized the Wartbag Festival (1817 AD).

Metternich * Assessment of achievements: 

Metternich's policies and his successes and failures have received mixed reactions from historians. Historians Ferrero, R. V. Shrabik, etc. have appreciated the immediate importance of Metternich's work. In their post-Napoleonic Europe, the common people desperately yearned for peace and security. Metternich also believed that “the people of Europe wanted peace—not freedom, so he was eager to preserve the 'status quo'. On the other hand, he has many B critics. His political contemporary Tsar Alexander denounced him as a 'liar'. Castlereagh dismissed Metternich as a 'political clown'. Modern historian Taylor (A.JP Taylor) thinks that Metternich had no principles or ideals of his own. According to Carlton Hayes (C. Hayes), Metternich was identified with the works of Shakespeare or Goethe. But he had no desire to fulfill their ideology, Lipson calls him an 'opportunistic and scheming diplomat'. Many have labeled him the 'enemy of progress' and the 'Minister of European Conservatism'.

An assessment of Metternich's politics requires consideration of two aspects—(1) immediate tangibility and (2) far-reaching significance. Metternich led Europe in a difficult political situation. On one side was French-Revolution-born liberalism and nationalism, on the other Desire for freedom from Napoleonic chaos. Metternich was active as the mouthpiece of the second movement. In this case three elements guided his path. First, Metternich was a representative of the declining Austrian Empire. Prevention of the development of nationalism and liberalism was essential to preserve the integrity of the multi-ethnic Austrian Empire. Out of loyalty to the Austrian Empire, he supported the principles of fairness, equality of arms, and the status quo. Second, he worked within the confines of a conservative environment. The Austrian emperors were orthodox, conservative and reactionary. "A loyal subject is more desirable than an enlightened one," said the Emperor, the first fancier. Sensing Metternich's reformist mindset, the emperor warned him, "It is your duty to express what I want. I do not want any change, for now is the time of reform." Jacques Druz said that, "It would be a mistake to see the chancellor as a systematic opponent to nationalistic principle." Metternich himself said, stability is not immobility is not immobility."). Third, Metternich, the self-proclaimed conqueror of the conquerors, harbored deep ambitions for authority in European politics. In his dream Europe only monarchy existed. He considered the national state, constitutional regime etc. as 'enemies of unity and progress'. He was able to control Europe from 1815-1848 by basing conservatism and using the weapon of reaction. After 1815, Metternich's policies and programs were well received in Europe. Hence the Metternich system cannot be said to be a complete failure or undesirable in terms of immediate needs. With few exceptions, Metternich managed to make the Vienna-System last for at least four decades. The princes of Russia, Prussia, Italy etc. were influenced by Metternich's method. This period of political deconstruction was completed under the leadership of Metternich, who is also known as "Prime Minister of Europe". 

The Metternich system was a failure in terms of far-reaching reactions. Although he was able to maintain the status quo of peace for a temporary period, he lacked political wisdom. His policies were opportunistic and immoral. He was blindly trying to cling to the old as he was to the French Revolution. The generosity of the new possibilities, the destructive form he only witnessed; The progressive character of the revolution was not caught in his eyes. He did not try to understand the pulse of life that exists even in democracy. He did not realize that positive potential cannot be stifled by negative processes. Fish said, "The idea that Europe could be ruled on the principle of negative conservatism was wholly chimerical. " According to historians Grant and Temperani, the Metternich system only delayed the development of the positive forces of revolution, but did not completely destroy it. Under the cover of his reactionism, the forces of liberalism, nationalism etc. gathered strength rapidly. Therefore, despite his best efforts, he could not prevent the breakdown of the old system. He could not stop the independence of Belgium or Greece. The sense of nationalism in Italy and Germany did not disappear either. Therefore, the revolution of 1848 started in France, but it is also a global phenomenon.

Europe was hit with much more force. His kingdom Austria was swept away by that political wave. Metternich was forced to leave Austria and take refuge in England.According to Stephen J. Lec, “Metternich had a rightly conservative attitude towards tradition and conventional regional institutions. But he instinctively opposed anything which suggested liberalism or social reforms" (b he instinctively opposed anything which suggested liberalism or social reforms) Kai could not proceed with the change with the reformers. The Diet of Hungary was opposed to both Austrian conservatism and radical separatism. Metternich repeatedly enlisted the help of Halo in the 1820s and 1830s for social and political reforms. Mitternith's blind adherence to conservatism paved the way for the eventual takeover by the extremist Louis Kasich. In 1848 AD, the Russian army had to be recruited to deal with the fiery situation in Hungary. According to Stephen Lee, it may not have been easy for Meternith to find a fair solution to the situation, but there is no doubt that the complex scope was compounded by his shortsightedness.

Changes in the internal situation in Austria were obstacles to Metternich's success. Emperor Francis of Austria was a supporter of Metternich's conservative views. During his reign, Metternich's authority over the civil administration of Austria was final. But the arrival of Ferdinand I on the throne of Austria could immediately destroy the atmosphere of mutual trust and dependence between the chancellor and the emperor. Ferdinand was the crown prince of the emperor. In the words of Stephen Lee: "Ferdinand proved totally incompetent, a mere shell of a ruler." The language of one of Ferdinand's ministers. "At this stage Austria was 'an absolute monarchy with a monarch.'" Administrative authority was not vested in either the emperor or the chancellor. Administrative authority was divided among Archduke Francis Charles, Colbert, and Metternich in such an unplanned manner that , good governance became impossible to implement. Colbert grew to such an extent in the 1820s and 1830s that the chancellor became an almost unimportant post. Colbert and Metternich also differed in their political outlooks. Colbert, a Czech, aimed to increase Bohemia and power. But Metternich wanted to preserve the existence of the entire Austrian Empire. For example, Colbert was in favor of reducing the allocation to the Austrian military sector, but Metternich believed that it would not be possible to maintain the unity of the Austrian Empire if the cohesion of the military was weak. Colbert's first choice of contact was Bohemia, but Metternich wanted to move from the center of Austria to the rich region of northern Italy. Rail connectivity. According to Metternich, Colbert was "an archetypal bureaucrat, lad in foresight and imagination."

Emperor Francis is also not a little responsible for the failure of Metternich. It is true that Metternich did not have much fame as a definition, but for mobilizing the Austrian bureaucracy. Some attempted constitutional changes, although they were ultimately unsuccessful. 

In AD Metternich proposed the formation of a modern cabinet instead of the traditional governance structure. In 1816, the Komm err-directorium was formed to coordinate economic plans and made many proposals for reforming the various provincial councils and the central council. But owing to the obstinacy of the Emperor Francis they were never carried into effect, or were soon abolished. The emperor firmly believed that the time for reform had not yet come. From that belief he used to say, "I want no chang. This is no time for reform,"

Stephen Lee suggests that a kind of pessimism permeated Metternich's mind as the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon Bonaparte threatened the existence of the old system. That pessimism turns to acrimony as attempts to preserve the old order fail one by one and opposing forces mobilize. For this reason his third wife mocked Metternich as 'all cynics' and 'a man to whom no one listens'. Alison Phillips says that "for a tired and timid generation he was necessary man and it was his misfortune that he survived his usefulness.") / Perhaps Metternich forgot that, "as he grew older, the world regained its youth." Of course, Metternich's own assessment was just the opposite. To the last day he declared aloud that he could not make mistakes. This was the difference between him and ordinary people. It was probably from that unshakable confidence that in the last phase of his political life he said, "Sooner or later in this world I I should have come. If I had come earlier I would have enjoyed this world; if I had come later I would have been a part of building a new world. But I was exhausted trying to preserve the existence of the present decadent society." Perhaps, this is the main tragedy of Metternich's life.